16 December 2024

Overview of Iran-Germany Relations: Reasons for Recent Tensions

Seyedi Asl SeyedmohammadExpert at CMES.

Since the Islamic Revolution in Iran, relations between Iran and Germany have largely developed in a stable and favorable atmosphere, particularly in areas such as economics, culture, and scientific exchange, while political interaction remained less significant. Despite periodic ups and downs, Iran's special role in Germany's Middle Eastern policy has always been explained by three key factors: economic interests, geopolitical positioning, and cultural interaction.

After the revolution, Iran's relations with Germany underwent changes, reflecting the broader dynamics of Iran's interaction with Western countries. However, Germany consistently remained an advocate for dialogue and constructive cooperation. Notably, in 1984, German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher became the first Western diplomat to visit Iran after the onset of the Iran-Iraq war, openly calling Saddam Hussein an aggressor.

In the following decades, the two countries exchanged numerous delegations of various levels. A landmark event was the visit of the Iranian president to Germany in 2000, marking a new milestone in bilateral relations. During this period, trade between the two countries reached 5 billion euros, making Germany Iran's largest trading partner.

However, in recent years, relations have been significantly impacted by the nuclear issue. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) opened prospects for strengthening political interaction, but after the Trump administration's withdrawal from the agreement, relations again deteriorated.

Further tensions became part of the broader crisis in Iran-Europe relations, which peaked in 2021. European countries accused Iran of supplying drones and ballistic missiles to Russia, allegedly threatening European security. These accusations have been repeatedly denied by Tehran, which emphasized that military cooperation with Russia has deep historical roots and is not related to the conflict in Ukraine.

The publication Donyaye Eghtesad notes that the deterioration of relations between Tehran and Berlin reflects a wider crisis in Iran's relations with European capitals. This crisis was exacerbated after the failure of negotiations to revive the JCPOA in 2022 and the subsequent mass protests in Iran. Germany actively supported Iranian women protesters, which further intensified the situation.

German media, particularly Deutsche Welle, also covered this conflict. According to their reports, diplomatic ties between Iran and Germany remain extremely tense. German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock has repeatedly criticized the actions of the Iranian authorities, which in turn led to accusations from Tehran of interference in the country's internal affairs.

Germany views Iran as a potential security threat if its actions indirectly begin to threaten Berlin's interests. This pertains to areas such as the development of Iran's nuclear and missile programs and the strengthening of the "Axis of Resistance" in Western Asia. According to the German leadership, these factors already have a direct impact on European security, and Iran is becoming a significant threat, although not comparable in scale to Russia or China. Nevertheless, Tehran's deepening ties with Moscow and Beijing are causing concern, as they contribute to the formation of a geopolitical alliance aimed at weakening European security.

The conflict in Ukraine has exacerbated Iranian-German relations, leading to two key changes. First, the list of threats from Iran has expanded: in addition to the nuclear and missile programs, there are now cyberattacks, the development of unmanned systems, terrorist activities, and security threats to European leaders. These challenges directly impact Europe's security structure, including Germany's economic stability and export priorities. The threat posed by Iran has become more apparent and significant.

Second, Germany and Europe's response to Iran's actions has shifted from a tactical to a strategic level. This shift is manifested, for example, in the support of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) for measures aimed at countering Iran. Among these measures are the activation of Israel's missile defense system, maritime patrols in the Red Sea, pressure on Ansar Allah in Yemen, and attempts to include the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) on the list of terrorist organizations. These steps are designed to intensify the confrontation with Iran both regionally and globally.

Germany's internal political situation is also influencing its relations with Iran. Iranian opposition figures, from parties such as the SPD, CDU, FDP, and the Greens, use their positions to shape negative attitudes toward the Islamic Republic. Their ties to the Iranian diaspora, many of whom did not previously express antagonism toward the IRI, strengthen their influence. As a result, the opposition is gaining more leverage in shaping Germany's policy toward Iran.

The worsening of relations was also reflected in several high-profile events. The Islamic Center in Hamburg, accused of supporting Hezbollah and anti-Semitism, was shut down. Additionally, the German language training center in Tehran, which had collaborated with the Goethe Institute, ceased operations. These actions led to the deterioration of bilateral relations, further heightening the tension between Tehran and Berlin.

The execution of Jamshid Sharmahd, an Iranian of German descent with dual citizenship, became a catalyst for a new crisis in Iran-Germany relations. In response, Germany's Foreign Ministry announced the closure of all Iranian consulates in the country and urged German citizens to refrain from traveling to Iran and to leave if they were already there. In turn, Iran expressed its protest by summoning the German chargé d'affaires in Tehran and condemned Germany's actions as "unjustified and unprofessional."

German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock emphasized that the execution of a German citizen would inevitably lead to serious consequences for Tehran, a point further confirmed by the statement of Foreign Ministry spokesperson Sebastian Fischer. He noted that Germany had long warned its citizens against traveling to Iran, particularly due to incidents he referred to as "hostage-taking." In response, Iran's Ministry of Foreign Affairs called the decision to close the consulates "deliberate obstruction," which creates unnecessary difficulties for Iranians living in Germany and criticized Berlin's "non-constructive and confrontational approach."

Crisis trends in the relations between the two countries are compounded not only by diplomatic incidents but also by a number of structural problems. In recent years, there has been a lack of a clear plan for Iran's interaction with Germany and Europe, as well as a lack of initiatives concerning the Iranian diaspora. Tehran's passive diplomacy is reflected in the absence of an ambassador in Germany for several months, which is particularly important in times of crisis. A significant decline in trade and economic exchange, regional conflicts such as the Gaza crisis and the war in Lebanon, and the confrontation with Israel—all of these factors add to the overall list of reasons for the deterioration of relations.

Relations between Iran and Germany are in a deep crisis, which has both foreign policy and domestic causes. If the current tensions are not addressed through constructive dialogue, the prospects for further escalation become increasingly likely. Germany's efforts to include the IRGC on the list of terrorist organizations, combined with the standoff over Iran's nuclear program, create conditions for a possible break in diplomatic relations. To prevent this scenario, both sides need to develop a strategy of engagement focused on de-escalation and rebuilding trust; otherwise, the crisis could have long-term consequences for bilateral ties.

The opinion of the Center for Middle Eastern Studies may not coincide with the author's view.